Senate Republicans start debate on ICE funding package

Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD) speaks during a news conference following a weekly policy luncheon with Senate Republicans at the U.S. Capitol on June 02, 2026 in Washington, D.C. Thune was joined by U.S. Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AK), U.S. Sen. James Lankford (R-OK), U.S. Sen. John Barrasso (R-WY) and U.S. Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-WV). Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images/Getty Images North America hide caption

Senate Republicans are once again forging ahead with a reconciliation package to fund immigration enforcement agencies through fiscal year 2029.

This comes after a delay in mid-May, when senators left town for a recess without passing the GOP-backed measure over concerns about the Trump administration's effort to use taxpayer dollars to compensate people who allege being targeted by the federal government.

Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche recently told members of Congress the administration has scrapped plans for the anti-weaponization fund , which appeared to ease bipartisan concerns among lawmakers.

However, Trump later avoided confirming that the fund is over.

"The weaponization fund, as far as I'm concerned, was a beautiful thing," Trump told reporters on Wednesday in the Oval Office.

Later, pressed again on whether it was dead or just on hold, Trump said: "It's... I'd have to ask the lawyers, I don't know."

The Senate voted to proceed with a reconciliation package that would fund immigration enforcement agencies to the tune of $72 billion. Absent from the package is language that would have provided nearly $1 billion in funding for the Secret Service, including funds for the security of President Trump's planned ballroom.

During the vote-a-rama portion of the reconciliation process , Democrats are expected to force their Republican colleagues to take a series of uncomfortable votes on amendments.

The following is adapted from a previous NPR story explaining reconciliation.

What exactly is reconciliation?

Let's start at the beginning. Bills need to pass both chambers of Congress to become laws.

In the House, a bill passes when at least 218 members (half of the 435 representatives plus one) support it. In the Senate, most bills need the support of at least 60 senators. Republicans currently have 53 seats.

"It's nice to have the Senate majority, and you get pretty titles and gavels, and you can nominally control the floor, but as Schoolhouse Rock! would tell us, unless you have 60 votes for most things, you can't move forward," Liam Donovan, a political strategist, previously told NPR.

One way to get around that 60-vote threshold and avoid the threat of a filibuster is budget reconciliation, a tool made possible because of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974.

Reconciliation allows the party in control to pass legislation with a 51-vote simple majority in the Senate. The aim is to make it easier for Congress to make adjustments to laws that either bring in revenue or change spending levels.

It was first used in 1980 for the 1981 fiscal year and is not used every year.

"It's become the preferred tool over the past 25 years in this modern, partisan political era," said Donovan.

Republicans used reconciliation to pass tax cuts in 2017, and Democrats used it to pass elements of then-President Joe Biden's agenda, like the COVID-19 relief package and the Inflation Reduction Act . More recently, congressional Republicans used reconciliation to pass Trump's signature legislative vehicle, the One Big Beautiful Bill .

How does it work?

It starts with a budget resolution that gives instructions to congressional committees to write legislation that achieves certain budgetary outcomes. For example, a resolution might include instructions to the Committee on Armed Services to report changes in laws within its jurisdiction that result in increasing or reducing the deficit by a certain amount.

Once the budget resolution passes out of committee, the committees that received instructions get to work.

The Budget Committee then incorporates all those bills into one big bill that's considered by the House and the Senate.

If there are disputes between the chambers, they have to resolve them.

Why do I keep hearing about vote-a-ramas?

Vote-a-ramas can be dramatic and drawn-out affairs where senators take up a marathon of amendments ahead of a final budget vote.

They begin in the Senate when debate on the bill ends. Senators essentially keep offering amendments on the bill until they run out of amendments — or steam — and decide to stop.

It is a rare chance for the party in the minority to bring legislation to the floor and is an opportunity for senators to try to undo parts of the budget resolution through objections known as budget points of order.

There are two vote-a-ramas in the course of the reconciliation process: one on the budget resolution, which is less consequential, and the second on the final proposed legislation itself.

"The amendments that happen in the final legislative package are really important — you're playing with live ammunition when you're on that final stage of reconciliation," said Donovan.

Why wouldn't reconciliation be used all the time?

There are limits to budget reconciliation. It's used to make changes to the debt limit, changes to mandatory spending or adjustments in revenues. It cannot be used for discretionary spending.

There's also what's known as the Byrd rule , named after former Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia.

The rule allows anything determined not to have a direct budgetary consequence to be removed from the bill. The goal behind this is to prevent reconciliation from being used for measures unrelated to the finances of the federal government.

In other words, reconciliation is about money going out from the federal government and the money it takes in.

If a senator thinks a provision in the bill doesn't pass muster with the Byrd rule, the senator can raise a "point of order." The Senate parliamentarian advises the presiding officer on whether the provision violates the rule.

This could include anything that doesn't result in changes to spending or revenues, doesn't cause changes to Social Security or doesn't raise the deficit beyond the point of the budget window, which is usually 10 years.

This story is adapted from an earlier story, which can be found here .